tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-15967651333541663832024-03-08T12:47:58.786+04:00Petals of DustSanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.comBlogger12125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-924219966868286982014-07-23T16:03:00.000+04:002014-07-23T23:23:14.885+04:00Paris<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The ten days I spent in Paris constituted the most exciting period of my 17-month stay outside of Mauritius. Not merely because I had the opportunity of going round sumptuous Versailles, of spending a day at the Louvres or of rambling in that enchanting city where history keeps staring the visitor in the face but because I could see for myself what <i>le génie français</i> and all that it stands for means. I had also the opportunity of coming to grips with the grandeur of French culture about which I used to hear a lot in Mauritius and of which I saw so little. Another thing which impressed me still more was the tremendous amount of work done by Roman Catholic institutions in several fields.<br />
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Three weeks before leaving London for Paris, quite unexpectedly I got a letter from Mrs. Renson. It was really an unexpected letter because when I read the name of the <i>éxpediteur</i> I could not make out who it was for I had never met nor written to any Mrs. Renson before. In her letter, Mrs. Renson explained that when she was in India in January 1957 she met an Italian friend of mine who gave her my London address and mentioned to her that I would be visiting Paris on my way back home; consequently, she had written to me enquiring about the exact date of my arrival in Paris because she wanted to be of some help to me. I could not ask for more and I wrote back giving all details. Mrs. Renson then wrote again saying she would come to pick me up at the station and "<i>comme signe de ralliement pour me trouver, je porterais ostensiblement à la main, la revue Match</i>".</div>
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When I alighted at the that Gare due Nord I looked for a lady ostentatiously carrying a copy of <i>Paris-Match </i>but there was none. Thinking that she might have been late I decided to wait but hardly had I waited for a few minutes when a young priest smiling winsomely greeted me: "<i>Vous désirez quelqu'un M'sieur?</i>" he asked and I replied that I have just arrived from London and was expecting to be met by Mrs. Renson. "<i>Parfait</i>", he said and explained that Mrs. Renson was late and that soon she would be with us. After some time Mrs. Renson arrived, apologising profusely for not being on time and we immediately drove to Jean-Bart Hotel in the <i>quartier latin</i> where she had a room booked. At the Hotel she showed me the programme she had drawn up for me; a crowded programme indeed but it was the best I could expect.<br />
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The first evening, the evening I arrived, was reserved for the young priest, l'Abbé Terrien, who came to see me at the station. The second day was kept free for any personal business which my hosts presumed I would have to attend to but as from the second evening I had to be at their entire disposal. On that second evening Mrs. Renson hosted a party when I was introduced to some of her friends who had previously agreed to take me round Paris. The party was indeed overwhelming: there was no barrier between my hosts and myself, neither my name nor the shade of my skin nor my nationality mattered, what actually mattered was that I was a friend of theirs. I could hardly believe that I was the subject of everybody's attention and I marvelled at the kindness lavished upon me by people I had never met nor known before. I could not but feel humble at the surge of spontaneous friendliness and goodwill that flowed towards me. Was it not a revealing experience for me, an Indo-Mauritian, to be so cordially received and treated on an equal footing by genuine French people, people from the very centre of Paris?<br />
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As agreed with my new friends, on my third day in Paris I began going out with them and thus I visited Versailles, le Panthéon, Les Invalides, la Tour Eiffel, le Palais de Chaillot, le Louvre, le Sacré Coeur, Notre Dame, la Sainte Chapelle and a host of other important places of historic or religious interest. The programme also included a visit to the two cafés of Boulevard Saint Germain, <i>Aux deux magots</i> and <i>Café Flore</i> which are supposed to be the meeting place of dabblers in literary and artistic pursuits. Afterwards I was told that those two cafés<i> </i>were regularly visited by Jean-Paul Sartre and his followers which explained the fact that they attracted quite a number of snobs. One morning, at two, I was taken to the <i>quartier des halles, </i>known as <i>le ventre de Paris, </i>where vegetables and fruits and other products are brought from other parts of France and sold wholesale to Paris retailers. Were also included in the programme two visits to the Théâtre de France where, in company of a student from the Sorbonne, I saw Moliere's <i>Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme </i>and Kafka's <i>Le Château</i>. Apart from all this, arrangements were made for me to visit la Maison de Christian Dior, the offices of l'Action Catholique, the Société des Amitiés Francaises à L'Etranger, l'Institut Pasteur, Institut Economie et Humanisme, the Unesco headquarters and last but not least, Monsieur l'Abbé Pierre.<br />
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I do not know much about the Institut Economie et Humanisme nor have I read enough which would allow me to speak authoritatively about it. But from what I was told by Rev. Father Lebret the promoter of this movement and his secretary, Melle Roret, <i>Economie et Humanisme </i>represents a new, fascinating trend of thought. On the face of it, it looks like a philosophy evolved to counter communism but on going deeper into it one finds that it does not spare capitalism either. Father Lebret told me that he and his fellow workers had come to the conclusion that in its quest for physical well-being, an aim absolutely conditioned by economics, society was losing sight of the human side of the problem. He was of the opinion that both <i>economie</i> and <i>humanisme </i>were essential to the survival of society and as in many countries there had been an <i>economie </i>bereft of <i>humanisme</i>, he was trying to evolve a line of thought aimed at the eventual synthesis of economics and humanism.<br />
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Meeting l'Abbé Pierre on the eve of my departure from Paris is an experience I'll never forget. When I rang him up before going to his office he told me that he was completely taken up by unexpected visitors from Switzerland and consequently would ask me for lunch as that was the only time he could spare; he added that Charles Moulin who had visited Mauritius would be in for lunch and suggested that it would be interesting to be together with him. So, at 1 p.m. I called on him and we drove to a restaurant where Charles Moulin was waiting for us. Charles Moulin was excited to hear that he was to meet a Mauritian and was banking on me to give l'Abbé Pierre an eye-witness account of his lecture in Mauritius; but when I told him that I was not in Mauritius when he gave his lecture his enthusiasm abated and he preferred to concentrate on his meal leaving l'Abbé Pierre and myself to ourselves. L'Abbé Pierre is a very impressive personality indeed; he symbolizes charity and modesty and breathes kindness. He is gentle beyond description and the way he speaks is fascinating. But behind his gentleness and calm demeanour, there is a compassionate heart guided by a stable and straightforward mind. Just by talking to him one can easily discern that he is not a man who would compromise on his ideals or his faith. If he is convinced that a certain thing is evil he is not prepared to bow down. What was the motive force, the guiding principle of his movement? I asked. He believes in God; and in his service to his downtrodden fellow countrymen l'Abbé Pierre is serving his Master who is the very basis of his existence.<br />
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In what circumstances did he start his movement? He could not stand the sight of people, owing to their circumstances beyond their control, digging the dustbins of the highroads for a morsel of food; he refused to believe that when a section of the population was comfortably fed and housed others should seek shelter from the cold and rain under bridges. What could have happened to such people? He thinks that such people have fallen victim to despair. The divine spark in them is about to be smothered by utter desperation and they have lost all sense of dignity. L'Abbé Pierre therefore thinks that such people need only one thing: they must be convinced that they are not as worthless as they think they are, they should be told that their lives are still full of rich potentialities which if developed may give a new direction to their lives.<br />
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L'Abbé Pierre has implemented this philosophy and has greatly succeeded. His movement has reclaimed thousands of <i>sans logis</i> and his message has spread far beyond the shores of France. I would like to end this account of L'Abbé Pierre by quoting a passage from himself in which he sets out the fundamental principle of his philosophy: "<i>Entreprendre sans attendre d'être sans défauts. Par sa vie entière chacun doit s'employer à prouver que, pour pouvoir utilement accomplir une telle élèmentaire action, il n'est pas nécessaire d'être déjà devenu quelqu'un d'excellent, mais qu'il suffit de s'y vouer; et que c'est seulement en se vouant de quelque façon à cette manière de vivre qu'il est possible de tendre à devenir bon a quelque chose, et moins mauvais, et meilleur, car il n'y a pas d'autre voie vers la vie en plénitude, vers la perfection que la voie de la prise au sérieux de cette unique Loi, la loi des lois; aime le prochain comme toi, c'est-à-dire sers ton prochain avant toi tant qu'il est moins heureux que toi".</i><br />
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Paris once one of the greatest cities of the world still retains its splendour. It is more beautiful than a host of cities I have seen; it appears to have been better planned than London itself, though in some details London is to be preferred. Life in Paris is wonderful... provided you have bags of francs! The cost of living is prohibitive and <i>pourboire</i> is almost a national industry. The most common characteristic of the French people is the proverbial <i>je m'enfichisme</i>. What about government instability? No one cares. Why the mess in Algeria? No one cares. Why so much dependence on America? Well, that's that, if it is not America it will be Russia. My final impression of the French people I met and tried to question about the things referred to above is that they are indifferent: they have an acute sense of humour and when they happen to find something funny they would laugh <i>à gorge déployée!</i><br />
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Speaking of the French temperament I may recall a rather funny incident which happened to me. One evening I went out with an American girl whom I had previously met in Delhi. At about eleven we entered an Italian restaurant where I was to taste pizza, the Italian speciality. We were hardly seated when a man, ungainly dressed, barged in with a bouquet of <i>violettes</i>; he went around the other customers shouting, "<i>Violettes, messieurs-dames</i>" but no one cared to buy his violets. Finally he came to us and staring at me, said "<i>Violettes, m'sieur?</i>" I didn't pay heed but he insisted. Seeing that I was adamant, he addressed the girl "<i>Violettes madame?</i>" The girl too did not bother. He looked at me and said "<i>Monsieur, des violettes pour madame?</i>" but I still refused to consider his offer. Poor chap, he got exasperated and blurted out, "<i>Eh bien, si vous ne voulez pas faire le bon gallant, merde!</i>"<br />
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That was the Paris I saw and I liked. I only wish I had stayed longer. An hour or so before I left Paris for Marseilles a friend of mine, the student at the Sorbonne, came to visit me. He wanted to know what was the one thing which had impressed me most. I told him it was the generosity and sincerity with which I was received by the group of friends. "Why, didn't you expect it?" he enquired. "I was not so sure". I evasively replied. He pressed for further explanations and I had to give him a picture of the situation here in Mauritius. French culture is so pure in Mauritius, I hinted, that we are kept at arm's length from the Franco-Mauritian community. "Hm," he murmured, "<i>c'est la bétise française... Il y a une différence entre les français de France et les français de Maurice</i>", he concluded. I agreed.<br />
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<b>Mauritius Times, Friday 21st February, 1958.</b><br />
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Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>
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Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-35300087100758938332012-09-18T18:16:00.001+04:002014-07-23T15:33:27.908+04:00Winds of Change<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
As you are aware I have just arrived from Paris where I was attending a meeting of the Executive Board of Unesco. I must say that I have come here not only with pleasure but I have come here to fulfil a most pleasant duty and to participate in a rather modest function but which I am sure has considerable historic importance. This morning we are gathered to launch the first ever published collection of our Prime Minister's speeches.<br />
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I have had the privilege of going through many of the Prime Minister's speeches and what is more, I have had the good fortune of listening to many of these speeches when they were originally made. If I may be personal for a moment, I must also say that I have had the singular privilege of having been associated with the Prime Minister for the last twenty years or so and this association has permitted me to understand and appreciate one of the finest political minds of the Third World.<br />
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It is indeed a happy coincidence that the launching of this book is taking place in London on a piece of land which happens to be Mauritian territory. Born out of the soil of sufferings of Mauritius, Prime Minister Ramgoolam came over to Britain where his mind was fashioned by British Universities and the great traditions of British polity. What is significant indeed is the fact that although Prime Minister Ramgoolam imbibed the British Political traditions of fairplay, free discussion and open debate he has never cut his roots which have sunk deep into the Mauritian way of life, diverse and multi-faceted as it is. On the contrary his training in Britain deepened his interests in the plight of the common man and strenghthened his determination to raise the Mauritian proletariat out of the depths of politically and socially marginal living.<br />
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In a way Prime Minister Ramgoolam was helping a "wind of change" in Mauritian politics, the same "wind of change" which Sir Harold Macmillan, former British Prime Minister who is happily present today, wanted the people of Southern Africa to see for themselves. The "wind of change", a phrase coined by Sir Harold Macmillan, captures the new and hopeful mood of the twentieth century and has raised the hopes of millions and millions of people in the developing world especially in those areas which are afflicted by the evils of underdevelopment. And Prime Minister Ramgoolam in his own way has seen to it that the "wind of change" has embraced the whole of Mauritius within its sweep. But there is much more than that. Prime Minister Ramgoolam has ensured that the "wind of change" did not develop into gales and gusts which are more apt to destroy than to build. He has succeeded in mastering the winds of change and in taming them; he also has harnessed the energy inherent in those winds of change and utilised them to create a new nation out of various communities who had been taught to hate each other. Prime Minister Ramgoolam has also laid the foundations of our society in such a way that we Mauritians can develop the creative faculties of our young emergent nation.<br />
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I feel that the message of Prime Minister Ramgoolam has always been that it is not enough for a people to develop and progress materially but that it must so move forward that it can develop the faculty of re-creating itself. In the main, this is what this book contains and I am hoping that future generations of Mauritians will not miss its message. This is a case where the message is so much more important than the medium.<br />
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<b>Speech at the launching of </b><i>Selected Speeches of Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam,</i><b><i> </i>Mauritius High Commission, London, 8th May 1979.</b></div>
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<i><b><br /></b></i>Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>
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Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-59559673887518619462012-07-23T15:59:00.000+04:002014-07-23T15:29:05.727+04:00Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
When I was in Nairobi in July last I heard a tape-recorded speech of Dr. Radhakrishnan which he had delivered in that city while inaugurating an educational institution a few days before I stopped there. I Delhi I have listened to him on three occasions: once, when he presided over a lecture on <i>What is Buddhism? </i>by U Nu of Burma and twice at special convocations at Delhi University. These added only a little to the picture of the great philosopher I had conjured up for myself on seeing his pictures or while going through his books. But on Monday last I had the pleasure of coming face to face with India's socratic philosopher-statesman and during the half an hour I spent with him I was indeed overwhelmed by his charm and bonhomie about which I had read and heard so much.<br />
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Dr. Radhakrishnan is now well advanced in age, he is over 68. Though he looks a bit tired yet his way of talking which reflects a happy choice of words pronounced impeccably, flowing out in quick succession and as if charged with a kind of driving power which immediately convinces and simultaneously appeals directly to the heart of the listener, betrays a youthful vitality. His fascinating smile which illuminates his face -- a face capped with a bald head with a few lashes of grey hair, a face radiating wisdom and learning -- and his gentle and friendly way of addressing people puts, at the very outset, his interlocutor at ease. When his secretary showed me in, he was reading and on seeing me he came forward and greeted me.<span style="background-color: white;">There I was beholding in front of me the Vice-President of the world's largest democratic republic, Asia's leading philosopher and one of the most commanding personalities of the world wearing a simple white dhoti and with a large shawl wrapped round his shoulders! Could there be a more vivid example of plain living and high thinking? Was it not in some way a paradox that such a high dignitary should have donned so simple an attire? Perhaps, but not from the Indian point of view because Radhakrishnan represents </span><i style="background-color: white;">par excellence</i><span style="background-color: white;"> the great Indian traditions which since millenia have been advocating the primacy of the spiritual over the material.</span><br />
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Dr. Radhakrishnan inquired about life in Mauritius and said that he used to receive letters from Mauritius. When he spoke about his recent visit to East Africa where he received a thunderous welcome, I expressed how sorry we felt when we learnt that he could not extend his visit to our Island. Concerning our problems, especially when I referred to the canard of extreme nationalism raised in connection with the Indo-Mauritian community which was supposed to seek annexation of Mauritius to India, he commented: "Oh, no. We do not want such things. Gone are those days. No country is permanent, no civilisation is eternal. These things come and go. What we must do is to contribute to human welfare, to alleviate human suffering. Only the other day I told a gathering -- Christ died on the cross, it was physical death but spiritual survival. But you are struggling for physical survival and spiritual death". Continuing he said: "Gone are the days of domination or narrow nationalism or separatism. I feel at home everywhere. Whether it is England or America or East Africa or Indonesia or Japan -- it's the same to me. Now is the age of broad, world nationalism". He spoke about the great problem confronting India and how they were trying to bring about changes striking at the root of social inequalities like the caste system, provincialism and other social ills.<br />
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Radhakrishnan is indeed a unique personality. In the West, whose philosophy he has thoroughly mastered, expounded and interpreted, he is regarded as a link, a bridge-builder between the East and the West and a philosophical bilinguist; in the East he is regarded as the very embodiment of the renaissance of Hinduism which to use his own words, "is not a definite dogmatic creed, but a vast, complex, but subtly unified mass of spiritual thought and realisation. Its tradition of the godward endeavour of the human spirit has been continuously enlarging through the ages". Radhakrishnan represents the latest "enlargement" of Hinduism.<br />
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In a world which has shrunk so much that one can "breakfast in Bombay, lunch in London and dine in New York," in a world in which man is no more cut off from his fellow beings by mountains and oceans but by ideological barriers of his own making, Radhakrishnan's broad philosophical perspective and universal outlook hold out a unifying link, a bridge. It does not matter who made the bridge or what it is made of; what really matters is whether it is going to be used. Undoubtedly in tiny Mauritius, where we, people of different races and cultures, have been cast together and where we seem to believe in supremacy, where we tend to accentuate our differences instead of exploring what we have in common, Radhakrishnan's philosophy is not without significance.<br />
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<b>Mauritius Times, Friday 22nd March, 1957.</b><br />
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Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>
Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-887651129304772102012-01-23T12:22:00.000+04:002012-01-23T12:22:48.050+04:00Chou En-Lai<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Until I left for India in 1956 I did not have what one could consider a fair and reasonable view of China and the Chinese. In those days in Mauritius the ethnic communities were living in watertight social compartments and as communities we were hardly interested in each other. My knowledge of China and the Chinese was limited to what I could make out of my relationships with our household shopkeeper and one or two of my school friends who were of Chinese origin. All this amounted to nothing much but my interest in Chinese history and civilization was roused when I read Lin Yu Tang's <i>Wisdom of China </i>and <i>The Legacy of China </i>edited by Raymond Dawson. These two books opened my mind to an area of world history which I have found most rewarding. All the same it is true to say that when I left for my first trip overseas in 1956, China did not mean much to me.<br />
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But when I reached New Delhi and started my attachment on <i>The Times of India</i> I developed a keen interest in Indian affairs and in those days China figured substantially in India's view of the world specially of the regions close to her. Geopolitically India could not do otherwise and to the extent it was possible I followed closely the development of Sino-Indian relations. I then realised that China was an important factor in international affairs and that gradually she would emerge as a major power not just in South East Asia but it was clear that she was poised to gain the status of a world power within a reasonable period of time.<br />
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Those were the days when India and China were "immortal" friends and Nehru and Chou En-Lai were the <i>de facto</i> leaders of the developing countries. India was pressing for the admission of China to the United Nations but practically all the Western powers led by the United States were opposed to China. It was in Delhi, in November 1956, that I met Chou En-Lai for the first time. I talked to him at Palam Airport and later I spoke to him again at a reception at the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi. We spoke to each other in French and he said he knew about Mauritius.<br />
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By the time I left India in 1957 there were signs that the relations between India and China would not remain as rosy as everybody thought. Problems has begun to emerge about their boundaries and matters went from bad to worse until the 1962 border war between the two countries. I was then back in Mauritius and was already a Member of Parliament, People of Indian origin in Mauritius were really taken aback, and a group of friends and I raised a substantial amount of assistance for India. I know that that did not please my Chinese friends and later on I was politely and discreetly so informed.<br />
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But my real meeting with Chou En-Lai took place in January 1973 in Beijing. My wife and I were invited by the Chinese Government. We saw quite a bit of the country and I did my very best to understand the Chinese and their own experiment as a large Communist country. My hosts wanted to impress upon me that they had done very well in industrial and agricultural development. They were most unhappy with the USSR who they considered stabbed them in the back by withdrawing all the Russian technicians overnight. This was told to me by everybody including Chou En-Lai himself. Mao Tse-Tung was the be-all and the end-all of everything and at an infant school which we visited we realised that even the infants were being taught about the importance and the all-pervasive influence of Mao Tse-Tung.<br />
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I could see that the Chinese had already made tremendous progress in the production of vehicles and machine tools. The factory I saw was most impressive and it was more than evident that the Chinese were in the throes of a major industrial breakthrough. Men and women were given equal tasks in the factories and naturally they were all dressed in the traditional Mao uniform. The women looked flat-chested and it did appear to me that it was all artificial. I did not like it as I failed to see in the whole experiment anything like equality between men and women.<br />
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We were invited to visit a commune. From what I saw I realised that it was a successful experiment. The idea of trying to make each commune as self-sufficient as possible is a great one. I cannot say how successful the experiment has been all over China but the one I saw was really impressive. The people in that particular commune were fully motivated and they controlled and really ruled the place. It was clean and orderly. In fact it was oppressively clean. The people in the commune produced all the electricity they required and practically the totality of their agricultural crops. Only high-cost inputs were supplied from outside. However, I had the impression that social life was rather dreary. There was a definite lack of social amenities although I was assured that steps were being taken to improve the situation.<br />
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I must mention an incident which I found most interesting and which I had recorded in my notes. One of the leading lights if the commune got very friendly with me and I started questioning him on matters not directly related to the economics of the commune life. I asked him whether he was married and if yes where did he meet his wife. The reply was that they had met in a factory and got engaged and were subsequently married. Was there any kind of marriage ceremony?" I asked. The answer was in the negative but I was told that there was no priest or anyone else involved except the official at the registration office. I then inquired whether there was any celebration after the wedding. Yes, there was. There was a little gathering in the evening at the bridegroom's house where they all shared some beer. I asked my friend whether he gave his wife a present such as a piece of jewellery or something else. The answer was in the negative. "Not even a ring?" I exclaimed. "No", he said. "I bought a bicycle for my wife, he said proudly.<br />
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The meeting with Chou En-Lai took place on the 25th of January. We were convened for 10.00 p.m. and we were made to understand that we were spending only 10 minutes with China's Prime Minister. When we reached Chou En-Lai's office we were asked to pose with him for the photographers together with the ladies. After the photographs were taken, we were shown in to the Prime Minister's office but the ladies were excluded from the talks with Chou En-Lai. It was a fascinating experience and instead of a mere 10 minutes we spent one hour and 10 minutes with him. The discussion covered a lot of subjects. We talked about the Commonwealth to which Chou En-Lai reffered rather ironically as a great club. He said in very clear terms that outside forces were disrupting the peace and tranquillity of South East Asia.<br />
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That was an obvious reference to the USSR. In another direct reference to the USSR he inferred that China was living under the threat of a military attack by her military powerful neighbours. Chou En-Lai also mentioned the fact that the Russians had let them down in a rather inelegant way and at a critical moment by withdrawing their technicians who also took away all the blueprints for a large number of important projects. I could see in his face that he was almost passionate about the whole unsavoury episode.<br />
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I very discreetly suggested that relations between the major developing countries of South East Asia should be improved. I said they should patch up their differences and work for the uplift of the millions and millions of poor people of that area. Naturally, I had both India and China in mind. He again took the view that but for the interference from outside the relations between South East Asian countries would be quite normal and friendly. He very subtly parried all references to Sino-Indian problems and gave me the clear impression that he was unwilling to talk about China's relations with India. I felt he was not interested in India's overtures to China.<br />
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Chou En-Lai was not too happy at the way the rest of the world had reacted to the emergence of Communist China. When I observed that a large number of countries had already recognised China after initial hesitations and a vigirous anti-Chines campaign in the international press, he quickly retorted that more countries had recognised Bangladesh than had recognised China. He even quoted the figures form memory: 83 countries had extended diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh against 79 in the case of China.<br />
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During the entire conversation Chou En-Lai was completely relaxed and was in a really pleasant mood. He talked to us through the interpreter but every now and then he would correct the interpreter who in turn would explain again what Chou En-Lai was saying. But he was not the same Chou En-Lai I had met in 1957. His health had definitely deteriorated. His face was somewhat emaciated but he look oddly fresh. In our presence he asked for some tablets which he swallowed on the spot. Chou En-Lai was the genuine voice of China and will certainly be remembered as one of the authentic makers of modern China. It is no surprise therefore that whilst there has been a serious attempt to debunk Mao Tse-Tsung not a single irreverent reference has ever been made to Chou En-Lai.<br />
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During the discussions with the Chinese Officials we managed to get our first consignment of rice from China. The price was reasonable and the quality was quite satisfactory. We left China via Shanghai and through Hong Kong. It was the end of a happy visit and we were all sad to leave. We were leaving behind a friendly, brave and hardworking people who was bent upon catching up with the twentieth century. On my way back I returned via India and when I stopped over in New Delhi, I met Sardar Swaran Singh who was then Minister of External Affairs. He was really keen to exchange notes with me. During that period India was clearly trying to improve her relations with the Chinese. When I told Swaran Singh that the Chinese gave me the impression they were not in a hurry to patch up he was taken aback. I could hardly believe that the relations between India and China had got so bad that India's Minister of External Affairs was not in a position to gauge with a reasonable degree of accuracy the intentions of the Chinese towards his own country.<br />
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<b>This paper was written on 7th July, 1980 and is being published for the first time.</b><br />
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-weight: normal; line-height: 20px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</span></span></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"> </span>
</div>Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-45690853827960099282011-06-29T23:37:00.001+04:002012-01-23T12:19:20.324+04:00Case For A Planning Commission<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
On very many occasions we and our correspondents, especially Peter Ibbotson, have pleaded for the establishment of a planning organisation. And we suggested the handy denomination of <i>Mauritius Planning Commission. </i>With the publication of the new Capital Expenditure Programme and the Meade Report and also the Government's proclaimed determination to foster secondary industries, we feel that more than ever now is time to create the Mauritius Planning Commission. The idea of having such an organisation is not a new one. Nor can anyone here take the credit for having produced it: it is something obtaining in many other countries and they have worked well. Besides, Professor Meade and his colleagues strongly recommend the setting up of a similar organisation, i.e., the Industrial Development Board. By definition such a board is bound to have a limited scope and this must be avoided.<br />
<br />
By now there is unanimity about the necessity of diversifying our economy and there seems also to be unanimity about the way of achieving that most needed diversification. But there have been too few suggestions about <i>modus operandi</i> of achieving what is so strongly advocated and so ardently desired. The organisation we have in mind must be in a position to investigate what secondary industries can and must be promoted and also to be able to fit such minor plans into the country's national plan. For it must be coherent and it must have as its basis the priorities of the needs of the people. The success or otherwise of a Plan depends upon the extent to which it is integrated and well-balanced. Without fear of contradiction, it can be said that we can derive the right inspiration from the invaluable work done by the Planning Commission of India.<br />
<br />
A careful reading of the Meade Report clearly shows that, as was expected, the fact-finding experts have not and could not have offered cut-and-dried solutions to the problems facing Mauritius. Professor Meade and his colleagues have indicated the broad lines on which development can be initiated and on this they readily admit that what they suggest have already been suggested by previous commissions. Therefore Professor Meade and his colleagues urge action without delay. Very candidly they observed: "We are opposed to any policy of waiting till the last moment". We have only to take the cue and the start can only be made by creating the organisation to which the spadework will be entrusted.<br />
<br />
For the time being the Ministry of Commerce and Industries is flooded with demands and inquiries about new industries. With the present set-up, the Ministry is obviously not equipped to initiate the necessary secondary industries. It is not known what industries are likely to prosper and how much investment will be required. Before considering which secondary industry to promote. Professor Meade suggests the following six basic and highly important consideration:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>(a) availability of markets (local and foreign)</i> </blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i>(b) availability of raw materials</i></blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i>(c) capital</i></blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i>(d) management</i></blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i>(e) availability of skilled and trained labour</i></blockquote>
<blockquote>
<i>(f) services such as electric power, water etc.</i></blockquote>
Consideration of these factors and final decisions involve a colossal amount of research work inside as well as outside Mauritius: it constitutes the most difficult part of the job and it will determine the future of secondary industries in Mauritius. We therefore believe and strongly advise that, without delay, the necessary steps must be taken to launch secondary industries in Mauritius. It is not enough to start off with new industries but it must be ensured that they become successful ventures. It is a matter of life and death for Mauritius. Disaster must be avoided.<br />
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Mauritius Times, Friday 19th May, 1961.</span></b></div>
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-weight: normal; line-height: 20px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</span></span></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
</div>Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-9429804306029350792010-07-14T23:38:00.002+04:002010-07-20T11:16:47.347+04:00Our People, Our AssetPolitical freedom is the mother of all freedoms. Only free peoples can develop and use their inherent capacities and natural resources in their national interests.<br />
<br />
The history of developing countries have shown that unless a people is independent it can seldom take unfettered decisions. In the absence of freedom, real development, which is rooted in fundamental social and intellectual challenge, eludes the people: aggregates of goods are produced but there is little impact on society.<br />
<br />
Our new nation was born on the 12th March 1968, the day when our struggle for independence culminated in glory to the toiling masses.<br />
<br />
Nothing has since remained untouched by the creative drive and determination of our people: our national genius has flowered in several successful endeavours in an atmosphere of heightened sensibility and increased self-confidence, the most dramatic being our economic revival. The last eight years have seen levels of growth and prosperity unparalleled in our time.<br />
<br />
At the time of independence, however, the Mauritian economy was confronted with a high level of unemployment, low rate of economic growth and increasing population.<br />
<br />
The national pride and self-confidence generated by independence has enabled Mauritius, with limited land and capital resources, to take up the challenge of breaking the spell of stagnation and transforming a colonial economy into a dynamic and forward looking economy inspired by social justice.<br />
<br />
Departing from the conventional path, Mauritius decided to adopt a new concept of development rooted in those basic values of humanism and social justice that had provided the vital force of our struggle for political freedom over four decades.<br />
<br />
The targets set out in the first Plan for social and economic development in respect of employment and income-growth were considered, in some quarters, as being over-ambitious. All those doubts and apprehensions have been proved wrong. Most of our targets have been exceeded particularly in the area of job creation, the very core of the silent social revolution which has changed the face of the villages and towns and given the people faith in the future.<br />
<br />
The Second Plan (1975-1980) formulated in the new atmosphere of confidence and hope and inspired by a humanist philosophy seeks still wider vistas of growth and larger rewards for all sections of the community.<br />
<br />
We are determined to achieve higher levels of excellence in technology, skills, investment, techniques, and social services so as to extend further the frontiers of progress. In employment, for instance, we not only want more jobs but jobs of higher productivity and greater satisfaction.<br />
<br />
This is a people's Plan for it is designed for their benefit and offers opportunities to everyone to contribute to the increasing prosperity of Mauritius. Its basic objective is to further improve the quality of life of our people.<br />
<br />
I do hope that this summarised version of the second Plan will find a receptive audience especially amongst our young people who constitute our best investment for the future.<br />
<br />
<b>Preface to </b><i>A Call For Action,<b> a summarised version of the 1975-1980 Plan, 2nd October 1976.</b></i><br />
<i><b><br />
</b></i>Copyright Succession Keharsingh JagatsinghSanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-91157277833341188502010-04-17T11:53:00.006+04:002014-04-16T15:05:50.691+04:00Renga is No More<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">If you want an illustration to support the popular saying that when death strikes it strikes blindly you can take the case of Renganaden Seeneevassen. He was a man, intelligent and cultured, kind and friendly, who combined honesty of purpose with wise statesmanship. Yet in the thick of his activities, working for the uplift of his people he has been removed from life by that invisible, mysterious but deadly hand of what some of us would call fate.</span><br />
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The death of Seeneevassen leaves a yawning gap in the life of this country. It will not be easily filled for some time to come. At the bar, in the Labour Party and in the Ministry we do not find, at least for the moment, anyone to replace him. His death is therefore an irreparable loss. The bar has lost one of its most eloquent members, the Mauritius Labour Party has been deprived of one of its pillars and the Government has lost one of its most capable Ministers. And Mauritius has lost one of its most distinguished sons.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
At the bar, Seeneevassen was a name to be conjured with. His eloquence was proverbial and his integrity known far and wide. His profound knowledge of law coupled with his analytical approach to any given situation made of him a very successful lawyer. His willingness to help and advise his younger colleagues of the bar and the poise and self-confidence with which he would tackle any situation earned him the respect and admiration of his profession as a whole.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
In the death of Seeneevassen the Labour party loses one of its top leaders. He was indeed a very able and popular orator who could captivate an audience for any length of time. He was accessible to everybody, high or low, and his friendly way of greeting friend or foe did much to keep his prestige and that of his party always high. Next to Rozemont he was the most popular Labour leader in Port Louis. It is to be wondered now how the Labour Party meetings will look like without him.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
Undoubtedly, Seeneevassen was one of the greatest parliamentarians of his time. His marvellous way of speaking, the flowery and forceful language he would use, his subtle sarcasms, his constant desire never to strike below the belt and his readiness to consider the other man's views are the great oratorical qualities he had. The way he steered the passage of the new Education Code in the Assembly revealed his detailed knowledge of and faith in parliamentary practice.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">As a Minister, Seeneevassen did his best to shoulder the responsibilities of as large a department as the Education Department. Some aspects of his policy may not have pleased everybody but it will be conceded that it is not always possible to satisfy everybody at one go. Seeneevassen brought to his office the rich experience of a great legal mind unsoiled by the mean desire of pleasing one community or group at the expense of another.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
Another aspect of Seeneevassen's impressive personality was his versatility and his broad cosmopolitan outlook. He was at home at any level of any society. Whether he was in European society or Indian society it was all the same to him. He was one of those rare, brilliant Indo-Mauritian intellectuals who in spite of having imbibed a good deal of Western ideas and ideals, still continued to stick to their own culture and traditions.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Seeneevassen honoured his family, his profession and his country. And he would have continued to do so. The country was expecting a lot from him. he has died too soon. Be it as it may, tomorrow when that body of his which was so full of life and vitality would have been reduced to ashes on the funeral pyre and when the crowd of mourning friends would leave the Vallee des Pretres crematorium, they would perhaps say to themselves:</span><br />
<blockquote>
<i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">"His life was gentle, and the elements<br />
So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up<br />
And say to all the world "This was a man!"</span></i></blockquote>
<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Mauritius Times, Friday 6th June, 1958.</span></b><br />
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-weight: normal; line-height: 20px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</span></span></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div>
Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-76320930201564347282010-02-28T22:27:00.001+04:002010-07-07T17:27:48.444+04:00Maiden Speech<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Mr. Speaker, Sir, I rise with some trepidation to make my contribution in this debate designed to help towards the solution of some of the problems facing the country. I have read carefully the Speech of His Excellency the Governor and my general impression of it is that it constitutes an admirable blueprint which will guide this House in its deliberations in the first session of this Third Legislative Council.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
I personally feel that in this House we should devote our attention to the problem of the country in two directions. First, we must try to ensure that the present standard of living of the people does not fall. Secondly, we must provide for a rapidly increasing population.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
Honourable Members speaking before me have laid stress, they have emphasized the ravage being done by unemployment, but so far none of them have suggested or tried to find out what are the causes of unemployment.</span> <br />
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We, in the Labour Party, know fairly well that there are problems at dispensaries: lots of people are queueing up there and perhaps not having treatment in time. We know that in schools sometimes we are short of space. All these problems are there. We know quite well. But we are doing our utmost to tackle those problems and I think in this Address from His Excellency the Governor there are enough suggestions to meet the requirements of this country. We know that to maintain the present standard of living, one thing is essential: we should provide for more wages to the workers. That is why I request our friends, the Ministers, to give priority to the establishment of a Wages Council because Trade Unions are signing agreements with the employers on terms which are very unfair to the workers in general and also, because there is no appropriate trade union machinery, the workers have no other means of settling their problems. That is why I think Government should give priority to the establishment of a Wages Council. This is one of the means of maintaining the present standard of living of the workers.</span> <br />
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Going through the Report of the Mauritius Chamber of Agriculture I find that the small planters produce less sugar per arpent than the millers. I do not quite know what are the reasons for this discrepancy. It is a large discrepancy of about twelve tons per arpent and I would suggest that the Minister of Agriculture should look into the matter and see to it whether by means of subsidy or some technical advice we could help them increase their production.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
The next direction in which this House should give its attention is the population problem. I do not want to overemphasise this problem but still, I think, if we really are to provide, if we want to tackle the unemployment problem, we should pay some attention to the increasing population because I have a feeling that the progress that we will make through the Fiver-Year Plan will be easily nullified by the increased population.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
Sir, I am in agreement with His Excellency the Governor's suggestion that we should not fritter away our energy and efforts. But, to my surprise, in this House, the Hon. Member for Rose-Belle spent a lot of time just criticising the programme. Personally, I feel that in a democracy we should allow, we should give everybody the latitude of criticising: but there are criticisms and criticisms. It is no use coming to this House and saying that this bad and that is worse without even suggesting how to bring about a solution to the problem.</span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
It is my belief that at this juncture of our history, we should show more responsibility in dealing with the problems confronting the country. It is one thing to sit back and criticise and quite another thing to be inside and to run the whole show. I mean to say, Sir, that we expect constructive criticisms and not simply criticisms which are meant to destroy. </span> <br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br />
</span> <b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Maiden Speech in the Legislative Council, Tuesday 12th April, 1959.</span></b><br />
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</span> </b><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-weight: normal; line-height: 20px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</span></span></b>Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-84954517818388541742010-01-21T13:03:00.001+04:002016-02-10T15:19:51.223+04:00Mohammad Iqbal<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
I consider it a great privilege and honour to be associated with this function organized to commemorate the 100th birth anniversary of the late Sir Mohammad Iqbal. He was one of the great poets, philosophers and seers of our time. Like all great and creative poets and thinkers, Iqbal has a perennial appeal which transcends all barriers of time and geography. His message of firmness in faith, ceaseless striving and his all-embracing universal love belong to the heirloom of mankind. His faith in the dignity of the common man was unshakeable and constitutes the cornerstone of his life and work.<br />
<br />
He laid much stress on love as a factor in the development of the human personality. This is what he said and I quote:<br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-style: italic;">"The luminous point we term human individuality is the life spark beneath our dust<br />
By love it becomes more lasting, more living<br />
More burning, more radiant."</span></blockquote>
I believe that the original concept of <i>khudi, </i>the self, in Iqbal's poetry and his efforts to reconstruct the religious thought of Islam to bring about a happy synthesis of science and spiritual insight, have special significance and relevance to the new nations which have just become free and which are struggling to catch up on years of lost opportunities. Iqbal believed in the unity and brotherhood of man which is above race, nationality, colour or language. He had a clear perception of the difference in approach between the West and the East. He sets the comparison beautifully well in the following words:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"In the West, intellect is the source of life.<br />
In the East, love is the basis of life.<br />
Through love, intellect grows acquainted with reality<br />
And intellect gives stability to the work of love.<br />
Arise and lay the foundation of a new world<br />
By wedding intellect to love."<br />
<span style="font-style: normal;"></span></i></blockquote>
Iqbal's philosophy formulated in his Persian Asrar-i-Khudi and subsequently developed in Ramoof-i-Bekhudi is based on the teachings of Islam and other sages of the East. Ethically the word <i>khudi</i> has lots of meanings. It can mean self-respect, self-confidence, self-preservation even self assertion in the futherance of life and the power to adhere to the cause of truth, justice and duty. Such behaviour is normal as it helps in the integration of the conflicting pulls of the ego thus hardening it against the forces of disintegration and dissolution. Once again, let Iqbal himself say it:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"Exalt thy ego so high that God Himself will consult<br />
Thee before determining thy destiny."<span style="font-style: normal;"> </span></i></blockquote>
The development of the inner resources of his individuality enables man to transcend his limitations and rise to greater heights and then he becomes the architect of his own destiny. Viewed thus, Iqbal's philosophy becomes a real and significant entity which is the centre and the basis of the entire organisation of human life. The movement toward the achievement of profounder individuality opens up before us possibilities of unlimited growth and freedom.<br />
<br />
Again listen to the poet-philosopher himself:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"The force of individuality makes the mustard seed into a mountain.<br />
Its weakening reduces the mountain into a mustard seed."</i></blockquote>
Iqbal's stay and studies in Europe had a profound impact on his sensitive and brilliant mind. He admired the vitality and the confident restlessness of the European way of life. He understood the unlimited possibilities opened up by science. But he was in no way blind to the debit side of Western political culture. Its rapacious capitalism, aggressive nationalism, blind racialism made him sound a vibrant note of warning:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"O dwellers of the cities of the West<br />
This habitation of God is not a trading house.<br />
And that which you regard as true coin<br />
Will prove to be only a counterfeit."</i></blockquote>
Iqbal was equally concerned about the colonization of the minds of the young in the East. They had been content with uncritical admiration and cheap and blind imitation of European culture. He gently denounced the situation in the following words:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"The East imitating the West is deprived of its true self."</i></blockquote>
In his <i>Discovery of India, </i>Jawaharlal Nehru has recorded an intimate and moving interview with Iqbal when the latter was on his deathbed. They had so much in common and they were both motivated by a kind of spiritual force. Although Nehru was an agnostic and Iqbal a staunch believer, their minds seem to meet in a highly idealistic conceptualisation of the kind of society which they wanted to fashion out on the basis of a synthesis of Eastern and Western values. This is what Nehru wrote in the <i>Discovery of India:</i><br />
<i></i><br />
<blockquote>
<i>"During his last years Iqbal turned more and more towards socialism. The great progress that Soviet Russia had made attracted him. Even his poetry took a different turn. A few months before his death, as he lay on his sickbed, he sent for me and I gladly obeyed the summons. As I talked to him about many things I felt that, in spite of differences, how much we had in common and how easy it would be to get on with him. He was in reminiscent mood and he wandered from one subject to another, and I listened to him, talking little myself. I admired him and his poetry and it pleased me greatly to feel that he liked me and had a good opinion of me."</i></blockquote>
I am of those who believe that the estrangement between Hindus and Muslims in India is nothing but an artificial wall which has been raised by imperialists and, what is worse, this estrangement has been, almost inevitably implanted in Mauritian society. And what is not often recognised is that for years local as well as foreign imperialists have ensured that Hindus and Muslims continue to hate each other. Iqbal himself had felt the need for a fresh look at the problem and he urged:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"Come, let us yet once more lift the veil of estrangement,<br />
Unite those who have separated."</i></blockquote>
Believing as I do that Iqbal's message has a special relevance to the Mauritian situation, I wish that this evening's function will kindle greater interest in the life and work of Mohammad Iqbal. Although he belonged to Islam his message had a universal appeal and I for one cannot remain unmoved by this compelling injunction of his:<br />
<blockquote>
<i>"The flame of life cannot be borrowed from others.<br />
It must be kindled in the temple of one's soul</i></blockquote>
I commend this idea to you with all the sincerity at my command.<br />
<br />
<b>Speech at a Memorial Meeting at the Theatre of Port-Louis, 19th January, 1977.</b><br />
<br />
Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>
Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-74746821906675230482010-01-14T12:43:00.002+04:002011-04-05T17:50:10.829+04:00African Ways to Development<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">First of all I wish to associate myself with the previous speakers who have paid glowing tributes to the efficiency with which this conference has been organised. We are also touched by the warm hospitality which has been so lavishly showered upon us right from the time we have landed in this beautiful city of Tunis Carthage. This is in the tradition of a city which has found itself at the crossroads of history at the very dawn of our present civilization and which remains until today a living incarnation of man's determination to fight injustice.<br />
<br />
On behalf of my Party and in the name of the Prime Minister of Mauritius, I wish to thank you Mr. President and through you the Destourian Socialist Party for inviting us to participate in this important conference on <i>Planned Development and African Ways to Socialism</i>. We are also appreciative of the initiatives taken by your party under the dynamic leadership of H.E. President Habib Bourguiba who is today a source of inspiration and strength to all political fighters on the continent of Africa.<br />
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It gives us great pleasure to salute our comrades who are today representing the liberation movements of Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe. It is the cherished hope of one and all that soon they will take their rightful place in the comity of nations and begin the stupendous task of raising the quality of life of their peoples which has been decimated by years of oppression. Let them know that we are all one with them.<br />
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Since the opening of this conference we have listened with great interest to the statements of our friends describing their experiments in planned development. We have also enriched ourselves by sharing the knowledge of how they are chalking out their path to socialism on the African continent.<br />
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In Mauritius, Mr. President, the Mauritius Labour Party is the oldest and largest political party today and it is due to its determination under the leadership of its leader, our Prime Minister, that we have been able to achieve political independence in 1968 and to make of socialism a living and meaningful political creed for our people. As you are aware, we are an island of not more than 720 square miles with a population of about 900,000 but we are today one of the ten largest sugar exporters of the world.<br />
<br />
When we became independent in 1968, we were faced with grave socio-economic problems which could have triggered the disintegration of our society. Our reserves were almost depleted and sugar prices were at the lowest; it was selling at ₤13 a ton on the world market and the cost of production was above ₤25 per ton. And as you know sugar has always been the mainstay of our economy: even today it brings us more than 90% of our foreign exchange earnings. In addition to this desperate economic situation we were faced with a large army of young unemployed people. In fact the unemployment rate was at 20% of our labour force.<br />
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It was in those circumstances that we started economic planning in the post-independence era in Mauritius.<br />
<br />
After studying the situation carefully we decided upon a wholly unorthodox approach to planned development. We decided that employment creation should be our basic objective and that a rise in GNP should be the consequence of our objective and not the other way round. We took the view that a rise in GNP accompanied by large-scale unemployment would be meaningless in national terms.<br />
<br />
When we became independent the features of our economy were frightening indeed: we were a monocrop economy; the population was increasing at about 2.7% per annum; sugar prices were depressed; unemployment was rife and we had no other raw material or natural resources; and the people's expectations were high especially from a party and Government which had led them to independence. Such was the magnitude of the task with which we were faced.<br />
<br />
Having decided that our strategy for development would be employment creation the choices confronting us were clearly the following:<br />
<br />
(a) to diversify our economy and also to diversify our agriculture;<br />
(b) to check the population growth;<br />
(c) to meet the immediate challenging problem of large-scale unemployment;<br />
(d) to raise the necessary external assistance to finance our plan and at the same time to build up the capacity to execute the plan projects.<br />
<br />
With gradual improvement in sugar prices in the early 70's it was not difficult to raise assistance for our first post-independence economic development plan. Through a series of bilateral and other arrangements we were able to build up the executive capacity for plan implementation. In order to meet the immediate unemployment situation we created a series of development projects which were not strictly economically viable but were socially productive. Those projects were designed to mitigate the urgent social situation created by unemployment and to create the proper atmosphere which would permit long-term, meaningful development to take place.<br />
<br />
By introducing a vigorous programme of planned parenthood we have begun to tackle the population problem and economic diversification has taken the form of industrial processing. We have created an Export Processing Zone which offers a series of incentives to foreign investors and it has become a well-known success story by increasing our foreign exchange earnings and by making a major dent in the unemployment problem.<br />
<br />
Today, after eight years of independence we have the feeling of having got over the initial difficulties of underdevelopment and are well poised for a major economic breakthrough.<br />
<br />
Unemployment, although it remains our number one problem, is receding and the population is now growing at the net rate of 1.6% p.a. We have almost 100% literacy and primary education is absolutely free; what is more, all children of school going age find a seat in a government primary school. The government health service is free for every Mauritian and the programme of electrification covers 90% of the Island.<br />
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In order to avoid any kind of imbalance between urban and rural development, we have launched a Rural Development Programme which aims at improving the quality of life of the rural poor by increasing their incomes and by improving the physical environment of the rural areas. In specific terms this means improvement of roads, educational and health facilities, better water supply, electrification and income generating activities like co-operative farming and kindred pursuits.<br />
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Mr. President, this is part of the story of planned socialist development in Mauritius. But we are not here only to exchange ideas about our individual development experience. We are also here to examine in a global manner the fate of planned development in Africa within the context of socialist objectives. And in this we do not only have to consider and evaluate our own actions but to consider and assess the political and institutional parameters within which we can operate freely. We must recognize that very often our development becomes lop-sided by externally imposed constraints; at times our parameters become unreal because as a result of the education which the leaders of our society have received outside our own borders, there is an attempt to introduce, almost blindly, institutions which are alien to our people.<br />
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This to my mind, is one of the most challenging problems of the developing world.<br />
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All of us who are present here have a common objective and that is to raise the quality of life of our people who for centuries have been exploited in a way which has no parallel in the history of man. And we have also all agreed that the path towards such an achievement is that of socialism. But what kind of socialism are we after? Are we going to be prisoners of dogmas and creeds which have been handed over to us by our former rulers? Here lies a kind of invisible motivation which leads us unconsciously to a deep crisis of faith in our developmental efforts. And this in turn leads to either a loss of identity or to the acquisition of a borrowed identity which prevents the emergence of the genuine African personality.<br />
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We in Africa have to avoid postures which can lead to a crisis of ideology in our societies which will surely slow down the pace of our development thus prolonging the agony of our peoples. On the one hand, we have to ensure that we do not introduce in our society a kind of socialism which in the name of equality and egalitarianism will enslave our peoples for generations to come. On the other, it is the duty of socialist parties of Africa to watch that wide and provocative disparities of wealth are not imposed upon the working class in the name of free enterprise.<br />
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Whichever path we choose, there remains a greater challenging problem to all of us: our peoples are in a hurry; they have been waiting for far too long. It is in this specific area that to my mind there is much scope for cooperation between socialist parties of Africa.<br />
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That is why I take the view that this conference has been organised at the right time. It is a beginning and let us hope that in the future it will pave the way for greater collaboration between peoples and parties who have pledged themselves to wage war against the greatest scourge of humanity which is poverty.<br />
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Mr. President, we are meeting at a time when two-thirds of humanity are living below the breadline. On the continent of Africa the number of people who are denied the basic necessities of life may be much greater but irrespective of these figures, the fact remains that such problems of absolute poverty constitutes the greatest challenge of modern times. Poverty is a central problem which has many depressing and degrading facets namely, inadequacy of food and housing; lack of educational and public health facilities and overpopulation. It appears that these facets feed and thrive upon each other and thus our task is rendered much more complex and difficult. Our countries have been exploited and impoverished and upon the ruins of our plundered countries an iniquitous world order has been built. Since we were kept backward we have been denied the benefits of the agricultural and industrial revolutions which took place outside our continent. Today we are determined to catch up and it is this common purpose which has brought us all together.<br />
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But engaged as we are in this overwhelming task I suggest that we do not lose sight of new developments which are taking place around us and which could well become the foundation of a new form of colonialism which has already begun to raise its head.<br />
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I wish to refer to the fact that the resources of our land mass are rather limited and are likely to last for a known limited number of years. Therefore, mankind will have to turn to the seas. It appears that the major powers have already identified the areas of the seas where a wide range of invaluable materials are available. Most of us, if not all of us, in Africa have neither the means nor the technology of going into this kind of venture but I want to suggest that African socialist parties should take an active and keen interest in this matter. This is as urgent as it is important. If we miss this opportunity we might find that by the turn of this century we shall have been enslaved once again before we have had the time and the means to fulfil our pledge to our own people.<br />
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<b>Speech at the Conference of African Socialist Parties, Tunis, 3rd July 1975.</b><br />
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Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-27311647292852236212010-01-12T11:36:00.001+04:002015-07-22T20:12:24.298+04:00Letter to a Friend<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
When I got the news of your father's death I was ready to come to the funeral when I was faced with a serious problem. I therefore wish to apologize and to reassure you that my absence at the funeral must not be interpreted as a lack of feeling on my part for you. I want you to know that I sympathise with you and wish to convey to you and to your family my most sincere condolences. A man like you, I am sure, knows that death is a part of life. It is inevitable and always comes at a time and place of its own choosing.<br />
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Probably for those who are not involved in the bereavement it is easy to philosophize. Yet I believe that all of us have to philosophize whether we are involved or not. I can imagine your sorrow to see your father disappear since I, like many others, have had the same experience. When I think of this kind of event I am reminded of my own experience when my mother died years ago. The news of sudden death gives you a shock and between the time of death and the time the corpse is taken away from the house you somehow get reconciled to it. But at the specific moment when you find people taking away the corpse you really feel that something is being torn away from you. Again, after a very short while you get used to that also and you walk with the procession up to the cremation ground. But I think the most trying moment is when you come back home and you really feel the emptiness that is left behind. I feel this is the most difficult moment involved in all such situations.<br />
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That is why I believe that death is part of life and, what is more, we are all made of dust and ashes and that is where one has to return.<br />
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Again, that is why I believe a life which is led selfishly and closed in by narrow walls of pride and prejudice is absolutely meaningless.<br />
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At this moment of trial I want you to know that you are not alone and that I share your grief.<br />
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<b>Letter to a friend who wishes to be anonymous, 26th June, 1975.</b><br />
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Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh</div>
Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1596765133354166383.post-3396149476811535622010-01-10T23:34:00.003+04:002010-07-20T12:30:34.143+04:00Vers une Entite MauricienneI am perfectly aware of the gravity as well as the complexity of the problem I am about to discuss. And it is precisely because of this that I wish to make it clear, at the very outset, that I am here this afternoon not as an accredited representative of the Hindu community but as a mere student of the Mauritian affairs who is attempting to interpret and explain what the Hindu community thinks of Mauritius and its problems. The views I will be expressing in a short while are my own: I can assure you that I am convinced of their validity and their relevance to the burning problems of the day. If, however, my views happen to offend any section of the population or if they happen to hurt the feelings of any individual or group inside or outside this hall, I beseech you to condemn my humble self and not to heap the blame on my community.<br />
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Again, I would like to make it plain that I am prepared to call a spade a spade. In so doing I'll have to consider the various forces at work in our society objectively: I want to look at them from a distance, so to speak, and try to assess them as well as their actions and interactions. But if by so doing I happen to shock some people I'll ask them to believe that my primary motive is not to offend but to face the facts of the situation squarely and to deal with them to the best of my ability and with as much sincerity of purpose as I can command.<br />
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To follow the pattern set by the previous speakers, I have divided my speech into three distinct sections. First, the history of the Hindu community in Mauritius; secondly, what I think its conception of <i>une entite mauricienne</i> is and finally, what it can contribute towards the realisation of that <i>entite mauricienne.</i><br />
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After the abolition of slavery in the early 1830s when the manumitted slaves refused to work on the sugar plantations of the early French settlers and when utter disaster stared Mauritius in the face, identured labour was imported from India. Out of 400,000 indentured Indian labourers who came to the Island over 200,000 stayed: they decided to adopt Mauritius as their home. The descendants of those indentured labourers generally constitute the Hindu community of today.<br />
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The history of my community is a harrowing tale of misfortune and suffering. The forbears of the Hindu community were in no way better off than the slaves they had come to supersede. They were called coolies and had to work for a mere pittance. They were <i>les engages</i> of their masters and in the absence of decent industrial laws, they were at the mercy of their employers. They were just like some human cogs in the vast industrial machine. In those days political rights were a far cry and they lead an almost sub-human life. They were hardly educated and their life was a monotonous drudgery. Their only friends and acquaintances were their hoe and sickle and the large fields under their feet and the blue Mauritian sky high above their heads.<br />
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When they came to Mauritius, the Island could hardly claim to be an industrial country. Our sugar industry practically did not exist but their arrival in Mauritius ushered in an era of tremendous agricultural development. I am sure that one will bear me a grudge if I aver that the Hindu community had contributed and is contributing to a very large extent to the prosperity of this Island. Only the other day no less a man than Mr. Fernand Leclezio reminded us that when the surra had destroyed all the cart-hoses, Indian coolies replaced them. I am not overstating the fact if I allow myself to say that for such a contribution to the economic welfare of the country as a whole those Indian coolies deserve our thanks, our gratitude, our respect and perhaps even our admiration.<br />
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Every dog is supposed to have his day and those Indian coolies too had theirs. With the spread of education coupled with the advent of democracy, they began asking themselves whether there would be no amelioration in their fate. In one way or another they agitated and gradually their grievances began to be taken into consideration. A Royal Commission came in 1872 and exposed the inhuman treatment meted out to the Indian labourers. But the Royal Commission could only state the facts and make recommendations. There was very little change in their situation.<br />
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In the early years of this country they again agitated but at that time they benefitted from the leadership and inspiration of Manilall Doctor. A second Royal Commission was appointed n 1909. Sweeping changes followed and their position was greatly improved. It was a turning point in their history.<br />
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Until then they had no political rights and our system of Government was indeed an iniquitous one. The small man whether he was Creole or Indian has no say whatsover in the management of public affairs. But a time came, it was 1926, when for the first time in the annals of Mauritius, two Hindus were elected under a very liberal constitution. Lest I forget, let me state that during the period 1920-48 a large number of Hindus became professionals and began making their influence and abilities felt in various spheres of activity. This is, in short, a brief but avowedly imperfect history of the Indian community of Mauritius from the early beginning up to the generation to which I belong.<br />
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The history of Mauritius can be summed up in a few words. The French came and took possession of the Island. They brought in a handful of Indian artisans to build the harbour and the first roads and imported slaves from Madagascar and Africa to work on the plantations. Later, as I have said just now, Indian immigrants came along. Finally, the Chinese came thus completing the mosaic of races which is Mauritian society.<br />
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The French who came here were cultured people. From very reliable authority I can aver that the French who came here belonged to the French aristocracy of those days. As proof, I can only point to the difference between the French which is spoken here and that which is spoken in certain part of Canada. The slaves of course had a primitive religion and culture. The Indians though they were illiterate and most of their religious beliefs were shrouded in malpractices, had a certain amount of culture. They had brought with them copies of the <i>Gita</i> and the <i>Ramayana</i> which gave them solace and soothed their soul whenever they found themselves as the mercy of economic circumstances. The descendants of the slaves, for reasons which I need not unravel, adopted Christianity as their religion and as Christianity is so closely connected with Western culture, the Creole community adopted Western culture.<br />
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So we have it. In our society which is composed of the descendants of slaves and immigrants and those of the French colonists and Chinese traders, four of the greatest religions of the world are represented. They are Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam. But it will be untrue to say that we have four different cultures in Mauritius. I think that generally there are two cultures or to be more precise, only two cultural tendencies in Mauritius: they are Eastern culture and Western culture.<br />
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Now, what is the relation between the two cultures? How do Mauritian Westerners look at Mauritius Easterners? Or vice versa? I regret to have to say that in Mauritius we tend to think that one culture is inferior to another. We tend to believe in the supremacy of culture and religion; we are still thinking that cultures and religions are material units which have dimensions and which can be compared or haggled about as auctioneers do in their trade. And it is a pity indeed for me to have to say that here everything Indian seems to be inferior in the eyes of many who believe in Western culture. The impression that I have got out of actual experience is that Mauritian Westerners generally believe that anything coming from the West is perfect and that the East has nothing to offer.<br />
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But I do not blame those Mauritian Westerners who thing on such lines. I understand them; I feel sorry for them. I understand them because the attitude now prevalent among them was at a great premium in Europe a few decades ago. There was a time when Europeans thought that they had the monopoly of intelligence and power and that the East was and would eternally remain a hanger-on to the West. The Europeans obviously were devoid of any sense of history. But the great cataclysms touched off by the second world war exposed in a very glaring manner their shortsightedness and narrowness of mind. They were brought to accept the inevitable fact that apart from human goodness there is nothing lasting in this world. They realised that empires and monopolies are not eternal.<br />
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I wish to see a similar awakening among Mauritian Westerners. I want them to understand that they cannot afford to write off Indian culture and Eastern values as insignificant. I ask them to draw as much as possible from those values. I desperately ask them to realise this, at least for one thing. How can I like Western culture if I am constantly reminded by the protagonists of Western culture that my culture is insignificant and that I am an inferior human being? To my friends who belong to the Western way of life I say: the Hindu community is prepared to stretch out its hand in friendship to the other communities of the Island but it will do so only on terms of equality.<br />
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I would like to assure all my friends who belong to the other communities of the Island that we do not want to swamp them or to obliterate their culture and religion. My community belongs to that only nation which since time immemorial has given shelter to all religions and peoples. My religious background is permeated with a deep sense of respect and tolerance for all systems of thought. I do not believe in supremacy in any field of human activity. I believe that humanity is one and if you happen to be a Christian and I a Hindu, it's simply due basically to geographical divisions. After all, are we not all, whether Hindu or Christian, striving for the same end, i.e. perfection? Why then should we compel all the pilgrims to the city of God to follow the same path? I am convinced that in our vertical march towards a better humanity we must avoid traffic congestions!<br />
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There was a time, ladies and gentlemen, when humanity was broken up into tiny fragments, when the nations of the world were cut off from each other by mountains and oceans. But today the world is much smaller. We have been brought much closer together. We are making for one world in which there will be no Indian or European culture but a world culture, a human culture. Why then should we, in this small Island which is but a dot on the map, fight each other over trivial things? Can't we here work for a synthesis between Western and Eastern culture? In Mauritius we have the privilege of drawing from all the great cultures of the world. And you know only too well that a culture which opens its doors to new ideals becomes richer.<br />
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I am a Hindu and I want to remain Hindu. I try to live according to the ideals of Eastern culture. But I am no enemy of Western culture. I am alive to the beauties of the Vedas and the Upanishads but I cannot ignore the sublime message of love and brotherhood of Christ. Will I be less Hindu if I admire and respect Christianity? Will my other friends be less Christian if they admire and respect Hinduism? My conception of <i>une entite mauricienne</i> is therefore this: I visualize a Mauritian society where all religions, all languages and all cultures will flourish side by side, where there will be mutual respect and understanding and where there will be no room for supremacy. I want a society where instead of accentuating our points of difference, we shall explore what we have in common. I want a society where there will be a free flow of ideas and ideals. May I add that our salvation lies not in the obliteration of Indian culture or Western culture but in a fusion of them both?<br />
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Personally, I think that my community can contribute much towards the realisation of a Mauritian entity.For the moment I cannot pinpoint in what particular fields it is going to make its greatest contribution but I should like to state that it is still in the throes of evolution and in time to come it is going to prove its worth in all fields of Mauritian life. Hindus have no desire to dominate any other community. They do not want any special treatment but they want to learn from others and share the joys and sorrows of the country as a whole. They consider Mauritius as their home and they think they have got as much right as anybody else and they expect their feelings to be reciprocated.<br />
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Before resuming my seat I have two observations to make.<br />
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First, I wish to point out that I have deliberately confined myself to the cultural and social aspects of the problem we are discussing this afternoon. I have avoided politics for obvious reasons. I have done so because I am certain that if really want to meet on common ground we should seek to avoid issues which are more likely to divide than to unite us. But I am convince that a time will come when we shall be able to thrash out all our problems without fear of disintegrating our society. We have only to pave the way for such a situation.<br />
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Secondly, I would not like to create the impression that on this platform I am like the philosopher of the jungle. Perhaps, I should tell you something about the philosopher of the jungle. Once upon a time there was a centipede which was suffering from gout; it painfully walked miles to consult the philosopher of the jungle, that is the monkey. Having considered the complaints of the centipede, the philosopher offered this solution: "if you become a mouse and have only four legs, you will be twenty-five times better off". The centipede then replied: "That's a wonderful idea. How do I get to be a mouse?" The monkey shook his head and said: "I can't tell you that. I only make policy".<br />
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So, ladies and gentlemen, I have not come here merely to tell you that I want to find such and such society in Mauritius without at least attempting to suggest how I think we can bring about <i>une entite mauricienne. </i>Therefore I suggest five points.<br />
<ul><li>We must realise that all communities have equal rights in Mauritius.</li>
<li>We must concede that no culture is inferior to the other and no religion is undeserving of respect. We may not like a particular religion but we must respect it. Mark my words, I say: we must respect it.</li>
<li>We must not allow politics to degenerate into communal strife and what is more important still, we must prevent politics from dominating our conception of this or that community or its culture and ideals.</li>
<li>We should try to learn each other's culture, religion and language. As long as we remain apart suspiciously looking at each other from a distance, <i>une entite mauricienne </i>will remain an empty expression.</li>
<li>The leaders of all communities, the priests, the press as well as the radio should muster their energies to bring home all Mauritians that we can and must achieve unity in diversity.</li>
</ul><div>As a last word, ladies and gentlemen. I reiterate my conviction that Mauritius is not and should not be the preserve of any community. The traditions and values of France, Great Britain, Pakistan, China and India have got the right to live here. If we live wisely we'll lead a really rich life. Whether it was by a mere freak of history or a conspiracy of fate that we, people of different cultures and traditions, have been cast together on this small Island I do not know. But I am sure that we have to live side by side. We have to evolve the kind of society Prof. Radhakrishnan contemplates when he asks: "May we not strive for a philosophy which will combine the best of European humanism and Asiatic religion, a philosophy profounder and more living than either and endowed with greater spiritual and ethical force, which will conquer the hearts of men and compel peoples to acknowledge its sway?"</div><div><br />
</div><div>If we fail in this we will prove our unworthiness of being called an educated people.</div><div><br />
</div><div><b>Speech at a public forum at the Salles de Fetes, Town Hall of Rose Hill, 5th May 1958.</b><br />
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Copyright Succession Keharsingh Jagatsingh.</div>Sanjay Jagatsinghhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13386926374110998199noreply@blogger.com0